Sunday 3 November 2013

Samsung / Six Nations Renewable Energy Project - the Rape of South Cayuga

As with Caledonia, the small entirely rural township of South Cayuga near Dunnville has been a place where groups chose to impose their will, without any consultation with the locals most impacted by these "projects".

In the 1970s the Provincial Government designated Nanticoke in Norfolk County (then known as the Haldimand - Norfolk Region after amalgamation of the two former counties) as a location where a major industrial complex would be built.  The project included a steel manufacturing plant, a coal fired electrical generating establishment, an oil refinery and other industries.  All of these were eventually built.  Of course if one has a massive industrial complex of this nature, there would be a need for residences for the workers.  Two locations were pinpointed.  The first was Townsend near Jarvis, and an infrastructure (e.g., highway from the Nanticoke complex) was put in place leading to the farmland where new homes would be built.  Last I heard there were 40 or some homes situated on this site.  However the Government, in one massive blunder, created a huge white elephant in South Cayuga Township where the "ancillary" residential area was to be sited.  The "vision" included two bustling cities of over 100,000 people each that would each become home to a hive of workers affiliated in some way with the Nanticoke industrial complex.  Hence the Government purchased thousands of acres of prime farmland to accommodate this perceived need, and expropriated farms that had typically been owned by the impacted family for over one hundred years.  To make a long story short, the land in South Cayuga was never needed for its intended purpose and so the farms were leased back to the original owners if they chose to stay.

In the 1980s the Provincial Government decided they needed a place where they could construct a toxic waste dump. Knowing the NIMBY (not in my back yard) factor would be a serious concern, and that the voters in the Greater Toronto area would never stand for it, they selected a safer venue - South Cayuga Township.  A bonus was all of the Government land in that location "left over" from the dormant Nanticoke plan - just lying fallow.  As the specifics of the plan were revealed it became apparent that this "facility" would potentially have a huge impact on the environment of the Grand River watershed.  The locals gathered to form HOPE (Haldimand-Norfolk Organisation for a Pure Environment).  They gathered data on the gas wells, many abandoned, that dotted the entire township and which could provide a portal through which any potential spill could infiltrate the water table and the toxic waste could potentially impact an area much larger than just South Cayuga Township.  Other pertinent information, such as the location of Indian burial sites, was also added to the rationale presented to the Provincial Government as to why the project should not move forward.  The citizens were successful, and the project died a natural death.

Surely not again!  South Cayuga again being "selected" for another questionable mega project, a wind generator farm, and this time the locals were left with no options - this endeavour was to be constructed on sacrosanct Six Nations unceded land.  The problem, never once during either of the above two matters was any Native - owned land ever brought into the picture.  There is a reason for this.  In all of my research, I have never seen any shred of evidence that there is even one half of one acre owned by the Six Nations.  The lands had been surrendered in 1844 - lock, stock and barrel, and the Crown, represented by Lord Elgin, submitted a final report on all the Six Nations surrenders, and the description and accompanying map do not show any lands whatsoever in South Cayuga Township that had not been surrended to the Crown by the Six Nations in Council.  The specifics of the surrenders involving South Cayuga and other Townships, which include a list of all relevant documentary materials, will be the subject of a later blog post.  The bottom line is, however, that although Six Nations do claim "Cayuga Township South Side of the Grand River", Claim 18 of a total of 29 as seen here on page 24, there is no validity to this claim.  Despite this fact, they are proceeding as if the Federal Government had recogized this claim as legitimate.  This is false, and thus all deals with the Six Nations in relation to lands in South Cayuga can well be ruled illegal.

So once again South Cayuga is being ravished, and being made to take it up the keester while outsiders reap the benefits and walk away leaving the residents to deal with the fall out.

Let me be clear on this, wind generators are a blight on the land.  No one in their right mind would chose to live anywhere within sight of these monstrosities.  There are for sale signs peppered everywhere near these towering giants with their perpetual roar (actually more akin to a hum that surrounds you and drives you mad), their unknown medical effects, their bird killing arms (thus providing a job for someone to collect the bodies of these hapless victims) that become caked with ice in winter that can be flung hundreds of yards.  For a sense of the true effect on migratory and endangered birds, see here for a very sobering example from Montana, and the devastation wrought upon the eagle population.  NIMBY again, and for good reason.  The issue here, however, is the role of the Six Nations.



Bottom line, the Six Nations is perfectly willing to sacrifice the residents of South Cayuga, without a word of consultation not a penny of compensation.  The Six Nations have made a deal with Samsung to construct the Samsung Renewable Energy Park on lands they claim, but in fact do not own - and the Government is allowing this absurdity.  Why would they do that.  Oh, silly question.  The money.  Turtle Island News of October 30, 2013, page 5 reports that, Six Nations people can expect to receive about $75 million over the next 20 years.  So without being a party to any of the discussions, South Cayuga residents can thank the Six Nations for the 67 wind turbines and 400,000 solar panels and directly impacting 700 acres in the beleaguered township.  However, one might ask why these controversial plans were not slated for territory that is actually owned by the Six Nations - on the present day Reserve.  Oh yes, NIMBY - someone else's, who cares.  The cheek of it.

If one drives through South Cayuga Township including the Lakeshore Drive with all the cottages, what you will see are signs that read, "Wind generators make bad neighbours".  I guess another sign might soon be seen, "The Six Nations make bad neighbours".  And lucky Six Nations, apparently, there will be a good chance the revenues will be non-taxable.  Great, everyone else pays taxes on earnings of this nature, but the Six Nations get a free pass on this one.  Apparently, It is a huge project but it is respectful of the existing trees and foliage there.  However it is NOT respectful of the residents of South Cayuga who were merely pawns in this game.

For the range of wind generation projects with which Six Nations are involved, see here.

Update:  The front page of Turtle Island News, November 13, 2013 shows a very familiar picture, whose caption reads, Samsung had more than 30 workers on their South Cayuga Road site near Dunnville ............... the work is being done on the wind component of the project.  It must show my naivety because about three weeks ago I was driving along that very Road and saw a large number of orange jacketed individuals doing what was obviously (I have been involved in these projects previously) an archaeological site survey.  I had assumed that this was part of an academic study, probably the work of Dr. John Triggs who I knew was working on sites occupied by the Delawares in the 19th Century.  Never for a moment did I think that Six Nations would allow lands near the Fredenburgh Tract (formerly that of Sgt. John Dochstader) to be defiled with these wind behemoths.  Of course in a choice between respecting Mother Earth and money, well, I guess it is a no - brainer.  What a shame that the local people have not organised, as they did in the 1980s to keep the Provincial Government from using the land as a toxic waste dump.  I think I know what the reason might be, but without a firm basis upon which to make a claim, I will leave the matter stand.  So these are the "unceded lands".  That is a very sick joke.  The lands were ceded legally by the Six Nations in 1841, and they have absolutely no claim on the land.  My guess is that this particular property is one that the Provincial Government bought up in the 1970s in preparation for the building boom anticipated as a function of the development of the Nanticoke Industrial Park.

With total disgust.

DeYo.

Saturday 2 November 2013

What Does the Douglas Creek Estates Site Look Like 8 Years After the "Protest"?

I would like to be able to report that the southern end of Caledonia is "back to normal" - but in Caledonia, what is normal?

At the far south end of town where Argyll Street joins Highway 6, there has emerged a new business establishment.  It sits illegally on land also claimed by the Six Nations.  It includes a shack selling illegal smokes, and a hamburger joint that, after a local protest, was closed by the Health Department.  Actually the owners ignored the injunction, but today things are supposed to be all cosy with running water, toilet facilities, and a place for staff to wash their hands.  I say supposedly since I have no direct evidence that anyone has been there recently to inspect the place.  When I saw it "up close" a year or so ago, there were code violations and infractions of every imaginable sort.  Even the bottom of the post supporting a large sign was completely rotten, either by termites or dry rot.  I will be kind and say simply that the landscape is not enhanced by these premises.

Moving north up Argyll Street on the west side, the 53 foot burned out trailer is still in exactly the same spot as it was in 2006.  At the entrance to what was to be Douglas Creek Estates the metal barricades made from the hydro towers still stand guard, along with a Mohawk Warriors flag to add some charm and give warmth to the place.  The pressboard shack still stands, and is used for various purposes generally when local protesters and the OPP arrive.  The "model home" way back, across a tick infested field, is still intact, and as far as I know is being supplied with electricity courtesy of the Canadian taxpayer. 

Coming from the north one sees a Welcome to the Six Nations Reserve sign, identical to the legitimate ones at the beginning of the Reserve in say Onondaga Township.

What is particularly galling is that to the best of my recollection, the Six Nations made a specific promise to the Province of Ontario when the latter purchased the land and agreed to look into ways in which the property could be used in a way consistent with Six Nations values (or something to that effect).  The promise was to ensure that the site was cleaned up.  Clearly the promise was not kept and there is no evidence that those involved are people who can be trusted to keep their word.

In a nutshell, the place is a grotesque eyesore and, I would guess, an embarrassment to those who live in Caledonia - the area being the southern entrance to the town.  What must out of towners think?  Perhaps along the lines of my thoughts - ugly, truly ugly.  Of course a picture is worth 1000 words, so here follow some I took one year ago.  From top to bottom, burned out trailer, trailer and surrounds, "model home", entrance to the former Douglas Creek Estates (Confederacy flag on left, Mohawk Warriors flag on right), "Welcome to Six Nations" sign.







DeYo.

Who Are the "HDI", and Who Should be Most Worried about Them?

All of a sudden, or so it seemed, after the initial "Caledonia crisis" had endured the brunt of the early convulsions, the term HDI began to appear with some regularity in the local Indian newspapers.  For some time they were a shady "group", apparently composed of two individuals, and who were involved in "permitting" development within the Haldimand Tract.  The initials HDI stand for Haudenosaunee Development Institute.  The name belies a potential role that might be yet another disruptive force in the Six Nations Community.  All I knew for some time is that developers were being given an ultimatum, pay a fee or there will be consequences.  That of course sounds like something that one might expect in Naples, but Haldimand and Brant Counties Ontario? 

Recently I have explored the CANACE (Canadian Advocates for Charter Equality) website, and found it to be a treasure trove of resources backed up with facts.  Much earlier than myself, they came to the conclusion, based on their actions, that the HDI were running an extortion / protection racket - see here.  This was in 2008, yet the group continues to make precisely the same demands of developers - with impunity.

The two major players are controversial figures.  Hazel Hill is a prominent radical not in the least shy about "delving into" conflict - the perpetual "interim" director.  The other partner, the legal adviser Aaron Detlor, was and is a shadowy figure.  He was a Toronto lawyer, who apparently now devotes himself entirely to First Nations legal matters.  His kinship association (if any) with the Six Nations is a complete unknown to myself.  His Linkedin profile is found here.  The Law Society website now gives Detlor's address as Ohsweken, so I guess he intends to roost in this neck of the woods.

Other activists have come and gone (e.g., Ruby and Floyd Montour), but the two prime figures continue to make the same demands of developers.  At times developers have resisted (and at times paid the price in work stopages), and at times they have caved in and just paid the monies demanded (this is the way things are done in for example Italy, so why not here?). 

In typing HDI and Six Nations in Google, the following document came to light.  It is a detailed Wikipedia page, but entirely without references.  The link is here.  An article published in 2008 in the now defunct newspaper, Tekawenake, can be found here.  Apparently at the time a lot of people on and off the Reserve were scratching their heads, trying to figure out who HDI were, and who they represent.

Since this group seems to see its role as monitoring the entire Grand River Tract, they will inevitably come into face to face conflict with developers who have a clear title to their land, but who are flagged or targeted as "needing" their services and as such there is a procedure that must be followed to "apply" (and that is definitely not the right word):

An HDI development permit is required by the HDI and one is obtained by providing an application to the HDI with the prescribed application fee.

With the realisation that memory can be faulty, and my apologies in advance if I make an incorrect statement (which will be rectified once I receive documented correct information), I recall that a developer in Hagersville paid an application fee amounting to more than $7000.  And for what?  Apparently a group can establish itself, set its own rules, and shake down anyone it decides needs "to apply" to develop land anywhere within the bounds of the Haldimand Proclamation of 1784 and the Nanfan Treaty of 1701 (in other words the Haldimand Tract including the lands surrendered in 1844 etc., and all of Southern Ontario)  That is quite some constituency.  According to the above 2008 newspaper article, the developer also has to sign a clause, recognizing, "the land title in question as belonging to Six Nations".

The question is, does this group truly believe that they have the right or even duty to perform this role, or is it simply a clever Machiavellian ploy to shake only the ripest trees hard enough so that they give of their bounty?

In addition the HDI has "included itself" among the groups who various other agencies who work in the Grand River Tract, or even anywhere in Southern Ontario, must consult.  For example they have now assumed a role in archaeological work, in addition to the Six Nations monitors, trained by the Ontario Archaeological Association who are called in by professional consultant archaeologists.  The Association of Professional Archaeologists of Ontario mandate aboriginal consultation in any project where their input would be appropriate.  See here This group has taken great pains to train Six Nations monitors, and let their members know who to contact when their services fall under Ontario law, see here.

See here for the HDI mandate (claimed via the HCCC.  Everything is justified by referal to the Haldimand Proclamation and the 1701 Nanfan Treaty (see my earlier blogs showing that, for example, the latter is and always was, invalid).  Evidence of their involvement is even far flung work is seen for example in, the following:
Archaeological assessment – Dufferin County,  Five First Nations monitors – two from Six Nations, one from the Haudenosaunee Development Institute and two from the Saugeen First Nation – also participated in the Stage 2 archaeological assessment; their roles are summarized in Supplement C (p. 2.2).  See here for more complete information.  
 
When I asked the archaeological consultants and a Hamilton planner why a project I was involved with in that city had slowed to a crawl, they said it was because nothing could proceed until the matter of monies to be paid to the monitor or monitors from Six Nations had been ironed out.  It is unclear which person or group they were speaking about because I did not ask.  It does become problematic when multiple parties from the same entity (Six Nations) claim the right to, in this case, "monitor".

The Wikipedia article states that the HDI claim authority under the Haudenosaunee Confederacy Chiefs Council (HCCC).  Reading between the lines, it seems that this a vehicle whereby the HCCC can exercise authority over the competing Six Nations Elected Chiefs (Band Council).  Their disdain for one another has been in evidence since the change of guard in 1924 (the subject of a later blog posting).  This factionalism has been one of the major sources of frustration in Government authorities charged with negotiating land claims.  Who speaks for the Six Nations people?  The answer is, "it depends on who you ask".

I don't think that delving into the workings of this group at this time would be productive.  It will soon be more clear as to what their true mandate is, and to what lengths they are willing to go to obtain their ends.  Of course, in the end it boils down to money - under the euphemism of the "application fee".  Land developers and archaeological consultant service groups beware!

Update:  The HDI (Haudenosaunee Development Institute), a wing of the HCCC, are in the news again - and they are in serious trouble according to Two Row Times, November 20th, 2013, p. 3. It appears that they just can't get a break in the Court system. This all stemmed from the City of Brantford's injunction against protests at construction sites there, where the HDI tried to enforce its own development regulations on the city's disputed lands. The original ruling by Judge Harrison Arrell levied fines of $350,000 plus $68,000 in Court costs (these later reduced to $25,000). The Appellate Court upheld the ruling, and so a second appeal was launched which also upheld Justice Arrell's original decision. Those against whom the fine was levied include Aaron Detlor and Hazel Hill of HDI, as well as Ruby and Floyd Montour, Charlie and Mary Green, Clive Garlow, and "persons unknown". So who will pay? Apparently due to the financial situations of the various parties, it is likely that only Detlor (who is a lawyer) and Hill will likely be, "holding the bag" and "slapped with the heavy fine". The reporter could not obtain information as to whether, since the HDI was acting on behalf of the HCCC, they will have some responsibility in the payment of the fine. The reporter states, What this will mean to the HDI is yet to be seen as the judgement legally clips the HDI's wings in such matters, at least as far as Canadian law is concerned. The Brantford Mayor believes that this decision will have Canada - wide effects on other groups who chose to engage in disruptive land disputes, and on the Canadian communities who are impacted.

Turtle Island News, p. 5, reported that the Men's Fire assembled to put a stop to construction on the Erie Ave. development project (Guswhenta), which although headed by a non-Native Steve Charest, the latter's two partners are both Six Nations members who had made a deal with the Mohawk Workers, including Brian Porter. Men's Fire want the HDI involved (which means the application fee paid in full). One wonders if the project will seek a Court injunction, the problem with that is that it would further pit Six Nations group 1 against Six Nations group 2 supporters. More factionalism at its worst.

The HDI has been busy on other fronts. According to Turtle Island News, November 20, 2013, p. 7, Money is flowing into Confederacy Council coffers as the first annual payments for a green environment deal with energy giant NextEra come in. Legal Advsor for the HDI, Aaron Detlor, stated that the monies received are going into an account that the HDI "has no access to". Hazel Hill, Director of HDI, said that the chiefs don't know what they will do with the money, adding that, HDI will follow through on post construction monitoring of all the sites. Recall, that this group has no legal authority, only what the non - elected chiefs (HCCC) gives them. Hill stated that, "the Confederacy process flows through the clan system, 'The people have the opportunity to participate through their chief and clanmother'".

I can see one problem right away, which I bold printed above. The majority of people at Six Nations have no idea as to what their true clan is. "Clanology" has developed recently to help people to get in touch with their Clan (inherited through the mother's mother's side). So HDI is saying that the majority who cannot "fit" with the Longhouse system for whatever reason can expect no sympathy or hearing from HDI. Hill full well knows the situation at Six Nations, and the barrier that poses. She does admit that, Six Nations people don't necessarily understand the traditional process. Nor are Six Nations people, necessarily understanding of, or willing to adhere to, the Confederacy process. I don't ever recall hearing that the traditional process involves extracting money from naive or gullible Whites who think that by ponying up, their problems will go away.

DeYo.

The Land Claims Process is a Farce and is Doomed to Failure

After being a spectator to the land claims negotiations for many years, it is abundantly clear that no matter what decisions are made, they will never be accepted unless they reflect the wishes of the Six Nations team.  Since most of the rulings by the Federal Government of late have not supported the claim filed by Six Nations researchers, it is sobering to realize that the claim will likely be submitted again, soon, under a new guise.

As a "geek" who has read all of the primary documentation relating to the matter, I cannot fathom why a Court ruling is rejected - probably because it is not the wished for outcome.  Let me be very clear.  The Surrender of 1844 and related documents are valid, there is no "iffy" aspect to them.  They in fact could not possibly be any clearer.  So why do so many at Six Nations refuse to accept the wishes of their ancestors, and fail to honour the documents that they signed?  Perhaps the answer is that there is a lot at stake.

The stakeholders in the process are the Six Nations, the people of Haldimand and Brant, the taxpayers of Canada, the Federal Government, the Provincial Government, the local Government - a cast of thousands.

The Six Nations describe the Federal land claims process here, then provide a rationale as to why they view the process as "inadequate", as seen here.  Hence if one starts with the premise that the process will not work, then via the role of expectation and self-fulfilling prophesy, it certainly won't work.

The above resources (particularly here) also detail the particulars of each of the 29 claims (see p. 8 for the list, and subsequent pages for the particulars) submitted to the Federal Government.  The bottom line is that as far as the Federal Government is concerned, one is valid and has been resolved, four are valid and require resolution, and the other 23 do not have merit.  This has not in any way stopped the Six Nations from continuing to aggitate for their position on a number of the invalidated claims.  I am not aware of any that Six Nations is willing to accept and unproved claim and then removed it from the list.  All are, in the belief of Six Nations, still open to negotiations (or in some cases, occupation).

One of the deepest most entrenched problems is that there are many who demand a voice in the negotiations, and the Government is at a loss as to who to sit across from at the table.  Anything negotiated by the Elected Band Council will probably not be accepted by the Hereditary Confederacy Council - or other factions within Six Nations.  This presents an impossible situation for the negotiators.  If the Six Nations cannot be clear about who is to represent them, then all is doomed to failure.  If for example a group such as the Mohawk Workers demand standing at the talks surrounding the "return" of the Burtch lands - then are they the legitimate voice, and will the Band as a whole stand by the proposals being made by this one group?

There have been a number of noteworthy rulings over the years, ones worth repeating here.  What follows is from Horsnell (2010, pp. 10-11), which can be found here, and reflects the bigger picture rather than small particulars:

1)  In 1959 the Ontario High Court rules that by settling on the Grand River, the Six Nations, by accepting the protection of the Crown then owed allegiance to the Crown and became subjects of the Crown.  This would abbrogate the concept of the Two Row Wampum as applied to the present day situation of the Six Nations.
2)  In 1974 the Supreme Court of Canada, concluded that the tract in question is vested in the Crown.  Once again the soverignty issue bit the dust in a high Court matter.
3)  In 2009 two reports were submitted to Justice Arrell in Brantford.  The Amicus Report concluded that, Canadian courts have held that the Haldimand Proclamation and the Simcoe Patent essentially conferred upon the Six Nations person and usufructuary rights and not a conveyance of land in the English sense.  This highlighted the permission to enter and use the land which the Crown had purchased from the Missisauga for occupation by the Six Nations.  In the Holmes Report, re the 1841 surrender, the conclusion was in entire support of the wording of the original contemporary documents.  Thus the Six Nations Chiefs agreed that the Crown could sell the Oxbow, Eagle's Nest, as well as the Martin and Johnson settlement lands, these wishes being confirmed by a series of later documents.  Furthermore, in 1848 the Chiefs agreed that the Crown could sell the Burtch tract.  All of these areas are bones of contention for present - day Six Nations people who will not accept that for example the Burtch lands were legally sold through binding documents and with the full knowledge and permission of the Chiefs of the day.  Since there has been agitation, particularly by a group known as the Mohawk Workers, for a return of the Burtch tract lands, apparently they fail to acknowledge what has been acknowledged as fact in Court rulings.  So they press on, perhaps hoping that persistence will pay off if an awareness of the facts and the truth of the matter are insufficient.  The Court did, however, agree that the documents support the fact that the Chiefs wished to have a 200 acre parcel of land near the Mohawk Institute reserved for Six Nations use.

Basically all lands except the parcel in Brantford were surrendered without encumberances, and the boundaries of the consolidated Reserve were defined as per Lord Elgin's report of 1850.

The land claim relating to the Douglas Creek Estates, and all claims relating to lands, will be the subject of a later blog posts.

DeYo.

If You Don't Like What Someone is Saying, Hurl the Word "Racist" at Them

A few years back being called a "racist" would often silence someone you did not like or who was saying something distasteful (like the truth).

Here we can take a leaf out of the books created by Jesse Jackson and Al Sharpton.  Any high profile case where a Black person can be perceived as the victim of a White person, Jesse and Al are sure to be there.  The ace up the sleeve of both is that the institution of slavery was an abomination, and there was justifiable anger towards those who did the chaining (literally or metaphorically).  So if the person was White, he was probably a descendant of the overseers or plantation owners whose ancestors fought for the "stars and bars" during the Civil War.  So for years after emancipation and the more recent civil rights movement, one way of controlling the outcome was to say that the act or words were those of a "racist".  It must have been with some frustration that in the recent unfortunate Trevon Martin killing by one George Zimmerman, that the "perpetrator" obviously a racist and the act was racially motivated.  However, despite the surname, Zimmerman was Hispanic.  That muddies the waters.  With Whites you can play the race card and evoke feelings of guilt for past wrongs of White people at some time in history.  The technique has worked very well.  Sure, some of their targets were probably racists, but others were merely stating the obvious - why are Black so greatly over represented in the prisons, and why do so many Black fathers desert their families resulting in many to most Black children being raised in female only households.  Well, we don't talk about those things, apparently it is "racist".

It was not long before the technique was being used in Canada, not so much in relation to Blacks (whose numbers are very low), but in situations involving aboriginals where a Native versus non-Native dichotomy could be inflated.  Indeed there may be those who have seen the extraordinary domestic and substance abuse problems (worse in the far north), whose view on Natives is not all that positive.  Life's experience tends to colour how one sees the world - try as one might to be fair and reasonable.  Racism may at times rear its ugly head - but if so it does tend to be subtle, unless one is looking to see it under every rock.

Under the watchful eye of radical union, communist, and anarchist advisers, local Natives have learned that this is an effective non-violent tool to use when faced with an uncomfortable situation.  If someone is protesting against the blockade of a road, well they are racist.  That method may have worked for a time - perhaps due to the stories of atrocities against Native people - whether in the dim distant past or yesterday.  Over and over since the 2006 contest in Caledonia we have seen people endure signs and voices calling them racist, because they for example did not want to have illegal smoke shacks pop up in their neighbourhood.  Racist, racist, racist.  If you say this word enough times without firm evidence of its presence, it will begin to lose its effect. 

A question arises in relation to being a racist.  Is it only White people who are racist?  They seem to be the only ones being labelled with this epithet.  Could Indians be racist, but conveniently ignore this reality - again believing themselves to be something they are not.  The answer is that Indians are probably as racist as anyone else - it is not something characteristic of Whites alone.  Perhaps an example will serve to make this point more clear.  By the 1860s the Six Nations and the Council were having more difficulty in finding how best to integrate members of the disparate tribes who inhabited the Six Nations Reserve in terms of representation in a Council that was geared toward the standard 50 Chiefs of the Confederacy.  Suitability for Chiefship was at one time affected by not only ones tribe and lineage, but also ones racial mixture.  In "Delaware Nation versus Michael Anthony", the tribe attempted to depose Anthony for a variety of infractions.  However, it appears that the biggest issue was Anthony's ancestry.  Indeed he was of a Delaware family, but one which included Shawnee and "Negro" ancestors.  It was reported that, Anthony was of Negro extraction.  This fact would, disentitle him to chiefship where he was the Delaware representative to the Six Nations Council.  So if this is not "racism" I don't know what is.  See, John A. Noon, Law and Government of the Grand River Iroquois, Viking, New York, 1949, p. 160.  Have Six Nations magically expunged racism from their community?  That is highly unlikely - humans are humans, frailties and all.  So when one hears the word "racist" being directed toward some non-Native person, it is probably a case of the pot calling the kettle black (so to speak).

The problem is compounded by not only the White radical supporters, but also the world of academia, usually found in publications issuing from North American university departments of Sociology, History and Political Science.  It seems that it is expected that in talking about any matter involving Indians and Whites, it is the "racist" behaviour of the latter that underpins so many of the problems endemic to the Native communities.  In writing about the application of the law to Native communities in the 19th Century, and specifically in relation to the Six Nations, Harring asked the question, What underlay the dispossession of the Six Nations from most of their Grand River lands?  It seems fair to say that, in part, the issue was racism and ethnocentrism, forces at work in the expansion of the British empire and the formation of colonial settler states (p. 54).  See, Sidney L. Harring, White Man's Law: Native People in Nineteenth - Century Canadian Jurisprudence, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1998. 

More recently and closer to home is, Laura DeVries, Conflict in Caledonia: Aboriginal Land Rights and the Rule of Law, Vancouver, UBC Press, 2011.  Here she constantly uses the buzz words common to all apologists and those who can only find fault in Canadian society.  So Canada, and all White colonial settler societies, show characteristic "tolerant intolerance" (p. 67), whatever that means.  One does not have to read between the lines to see that the author is taking sides, and concludes that the people of Caledonia are blatant or latent racists.  There is a huge "blame the victim" factor at work here.  The book is entirely a polemic on the theme so often called upon by Marxist academics, where the the capitalist military - industrial complex has so oppressed the Natives that they are taking actions as justified "resistance", the matter of Native violence is seldom if ever mentioned.  However, I would ask whether the author has ever read all the pertinent documents, rather than interviewing Native radicals and giving their radical views legitimacy.  Since the conclusions mirror those of the Six Nations on every subject, I suspect that their views and their take on the land controversy are being spotlighted. Very "politically correct", and expected behind the walls of academia these days, but without doing the "homework" of seeking correct information, one can never present a balanced account, one that attempts to find the truth of the matter - in all its complexity.

It would seem that to some degree using the word "racist" has become pathetic, "is that the best you got?"  Surely no one likes to see the word on a sign, but eventually one becomes so tired of the same old same old that the sign is seen for what it is, an attempt to manipulate the situation with emotionally laden words.  There will be no dialogue and understanding as long as this word is being tossed around indiscriminately.  Hopefully the Natives will stop listening to the puppeteers and come to the realisation that the person out there is simply angry because you are blocking their road home.  They are tired and frustrated since this is not the first time that this sort of thing has occurred - so anger mounts against whoever is blocking the way - Native, Black, White - it doesn't matter.

There appears to have been an inoculation that has happened to those who have heard the word "racist" thrown at them for no apparent reason - other than they disagree with the blockade or whatever.

It was very heartening to hear, via the letters and articles in the recent issue of The Sachem, that both Councillor Grice and Mayor Hewitt are tired of disruptive blockades, suggested that in the future the traffic be re-routed through the Reserve rather than inconvenience the (long suffering) people of Haldimand County who are by in large fed up with this nonsense.  Both said they don't care if they are called racist.  We citizens know well that neither are racists, and that they have now reached the end of their rope.  Kudos to our local representatives.  No longer will the word "racist" cause any locals to cower in fear that this accusation will be believed.  The technique has been used far too often, and the word is becoming essentially meaningless hereabouts.

DeYo.

A Perspective on the "Mush - Hole", the Residential School in Brantford

Updated 27 June 2014.

There appears to be a universal condemnation of the Residental Schools on or off Indian land.  Basically they were bad places where bad things happened, and should be an embarrassment to Canada and all Canadians.  The guilt mongers have been very active in relation to this subject.  Of course, one must know that there is money involved - compensation for the victims of such abuse and atrocities.  Thus it follows that the public must be convinced that in fact it was all a horrid situation and there are no redeeming aspects.  Period.  See here for an example of a former student's recollections.

A good overview of the Residental Schools, the problems, the compensation, the appologies and so on can be found here.  An independent Truth and Reconcilliation Commission was established.  Most of the 1.9 billion dollar compensation package has been dispensed.

I would never wish to minimise the terrible experiences that some had while attending a residential school.  The stories make one cringe.  The question is though, did everyone experience the situations described by those interviewed for the book on the "Mush - Hole" (a name used for the title of a book on the conditions at the residential school at the Mohawk Institute in Brantford).  At this point, most of what I know is what others, who did attend the "Mush - Hole", have told me.


Mohawk Institue - Now Woodland Cultural Centre
 
One day a couple of years ago a Community meeting was held where a young White woman from east of Toronto came to enquire as to whether anyone knew of persons of a particular surname who might have attended one such school in Eastern Ontario.  She said that she had information from Native informants that there were murders of young people there, and that the bodies are believed to be buried on the grounds of the institute.  No one at the meeting was able to provide any assistance.  However two Native women, elders in the Community, said to the speaker that the "Mush Hole" is a very controversial topic at Six Nations.  One of the women summed it up very succinctly:

At home you were beaten, went hungry and learned nothing.  At school you were beaten, had three meals a day, and learned something.

Generally the public has only heard a litany of woes, and now a different view from those who were students at the Mohawk Institute.  So apparently what everyone had come to believe was true for all who went to the "Mush Hole" was not correct.  The speaker quickly changed the subject.

Locally, this belief of murder, attrocities and rampant abuse has resulted in enlisting the aid of a forensic team with ground penetrating radar to scour the grounds of the Mohawk Institute to look for bodies.  The preliminary findings can be seen here.  Clearly the interpretation of the artifacts is controversial - buttons and cloth would be expected at an old school site, one that was at one time part of the Mohawk Village.  Only an archaeologist, physical anthropologist, coronor, of a DNA tesst can determine whether bone is human or not.  Again, bones from a variety of species are ubiquitous around any residential site.  The lead investigator, Kevin Annett, a person with a shady and radical past, has been called a fraud and con artist - see here for an example, and here for an article even more damaging to the reputation of Annett.  For the video where the members of the Mohawk Nation at Kanata withdraw support of Kevin Annett, even taking back the Mohawk name that was given to him, see here.  Without enlisting a team of professional archaeologists or other scientists, the remains will always remain questionable.

The term "Mush - Hole" without nuances (with or without the hyphen) has captured the imagination of many locally, and is but another reason to hold tight to hatred toward .......................... well, this or that group.  Apparently only the most graphic stories get told, and are then believed to be characteristic of the experiences of all. 

A detailed (over 500 page) published study on the subject of the "Mush - Hole" is available, see, Elizabeth Graham, The Mush Hole: Life at Two Indian Residential Schools, Heffle Publications, 1997.  An earlier publication, see here, was written for children attending Grades 6 to 9.  Whether a book of this nature (see here), with a warning about coarse language, is in fact suitable for young students is an open question.

It is interesting to note that the word has now been co-opted and expanded to mean anyone who is perceived to abuse power.  On page 7 of the 30th of October issue of Turtle Island News, a woman on probation with an aboriginal agency was fired after a few days service - she alleges because she attended the recent Highway 6 blockade.  She gained the sympathy of the Men's Fire, and shut down the establishment.  In a sign on the window of her former employer was written, Executive Director Imposes "Mushole Mentality".  So now the word is being used as a form of weapon.  And the beat goes on.

Update 1:  In an article entitled, Woodlands leading charge to renovate Mohawk Institute school in Turtle Island News, November 13, 2013, p. 7, it was reported that "Executives at the Woodland Cultural Centre" hope to, secure $5 million to renovate and preserve the notorious Mohawk Institute residential school on Six Nations lands adjacent to the City of Brantford.  However, some ambivalence has been reported here, with some former residents wanting the structure demolished, and others who want it preserved.  The Executive Director, Janis Monture, stated, however, that most would prefer the former option.  The article re-iterates across Canada the reports that survivors of residential schools such as the Mohawk Institute, report being beaten, raped and starved at the schools while being denied their language, culture and heritage.

While it appears that among those of the preservationists, some want it to stay because of its historic value, and can foresee tours to the former school.  Others want it to remain because, we should ensure no one ever forgets what happened to our children.  A second "survivor" stated, I want Canada to be reminded of how they 'cared' about Indian children.  The "Mohawk Institute - Mush Hole Survivors group" is, looking at creating a Mohawk Village Park on the grounds aimed at 'Remembering the Children'. 

It seems a bit convenient.  Demonise the school and all of the officials associated with the Mohawk Institute.  After all this is the concept that has been promulgated recently as it was realised that there was "compensation" to the "survivors".  So now all of the good done by the Mohawk Institute over the years since about 1850 is wiped away in the tsunami of political correctness.  The school was on Reserve land!  Children were not forcibly torn from their parent's arms to be molded into little obedient short haired English speaking Canadians - after all that did happen to families up north and out west (of that I do not disagree).  According to Weaver (1978), it was the Mohawk who, persuaded the chiefs to vote their first education grant from band revenue.  In 1877 a school board was formed, where power over education was shared between three Six Nations Chiefs serving on the board, the Anglican clergy, and the Indian superintendent.  It set local educational policy and built and staffed the eight schools under its charge .................. Many Six Nations people, themselves educated at the Mohawk Institute, were employed as teachers (p. 530)So, it was not just a bunch of greedy, cruel Whites bent on acculturating the Six Nations people - it was a School Board, 50% of whose composition was made up of Six Nations Chiefs, who set the agenda here.  Something does not add up, but that will not alter the fact that one can always find those who were abused (at all schools) by today's standards - but I am questioning whether this had anything at all to do with the "Residential Schools" which "necessitated" an apology from Prime Minister Harper for all of the injustices here.

Update 2:  It needs to be emphasized that it is not only at Six Nations where the topic of Residential Schools is controversial and the propaganda that it was a universally horrid experience must be challenged.  A Cree who has done well within the artistic community has boldly stated that the descriptions so often quoted by those with an agenda do not jive with his experience.  In an article in the Globe and Mail, 21 October 2013,Tomson Highaway made the following statements:

First of all, too many people, in my opinion, talk about it as if they were there, as if they actually saw it. Different people had different experiences. There was an awful lot of us who survived and who have beautiful, beautiful lives. I don’t dwell in the past. I dwell in the present and the future. Even if the school system had destroyed me, which it didn’t, you know what happens when something destroys you? You pick yourself up, you brush yourself off, and you move on. Who’s had a perfect school experience? How many kids were you tortured by in the schoolyard when you were six years old? How many 14-year-old white teenage girls are being tortured to death literally on the Internet? There are many, many positive things, and that’s what I like to think about. [Because] of the residential system, by the time I was 12, I was trilingual. Because of the residential system, I learned how to play the piano and I play like a dream.  See here for full article.  Thanks to counterpoise.ca for bringing this information to my attention.
DeYo.

"Caledonia is Ours" - Not True

Actually, no it is not.  If one lives in this neck of the woods, and attends rallies on both side of the issue, one is bound to hear someone blurt out, "Caledonia is ours".  I am highly doubtful that anyone issuing these words has every visited the National Archives to view the relevant records - which show that everything was done above board and spot on. 

In the case of the lands in and about Caledonia, they were owned by the Crawford family, who were Barefoot Onondagas.  Early maps show "Crawfords" in the locations where the town is now sited.  In the year 1835 the Crawford family, led by William Crawford, put their respective signatures to a deed ceding their right, title and interest in the land that was to become Caledonia.  It should be noted that Six Nations members were at that time permitted to select an unoccupied plot of land and make "improvements" (usually a clearing and a small cabin).  They sold their "improvements" in the "Crawford Tract" which had been in the family for about 20 years, to the amount of 400 acres next to the lands of John Buck alias Clearsky, an Onondaga Chief, to a White buyer, Jacob Turner.  The signatures (or marks) on the deed include Chief William Crawford, John Crawford, Mary Crawford and Abraham Crawford (the latter being the brother of William).  See, National Archives, RG10, Vol. 151, pp. 87568 to 87597.  The sheer number of pages gives an indication of the detail of the transaction, which included a detailed survey map.  This was the Caledonia Town Plot. 

The Crawford family then moved on to another unoccupied location and repeated the process.  In this case the Crawford family sold the Town Plot opposite to the Seneca Township part of Caledonia in 1841, and moved to Lots 1 to 4, Concession 6, Oneida Township (see reference below).  Some of course stayed generations on the land, not selling until the General Surrender, or later.  For example land records and the Census of Ontario for 1851 and 1861 show large landholdings outside the consolidated Reserve boundaries where members of the Curly and Latham families possessed extensive farms in North and South Cayuga Townships.  The sale was then ratified by the Chiefs in Council, with their signatures appended, and a Crown deed was issued to the purchaser.

As noted earlier, the Land Inspection Returns for Seneca (1844) went missing about 1986.  Since the north part of Caledonia is within the old Township of Seneca, that part of the town's land transactions are "unavailable" in a "user friendly format", but can be found in bits and pieces with a dedicated search.  It appears that the Six Nations are at this time only interested in the southern part of Caledonia "below the River" in Oneida Township - perhaps because this is closest to the Reserve and they are better able to use "leverage" to meet their goals.  This is fortunate in one way because the 1844 Oneida Township Land Inspection Returns were sent to the National Archives and microfilmed before the "removal" of documents from the Indian Office in Brantford.  Here one can see a map of each parcel of land (by then fully surveyed), and research the ownership of each lot, from the original Indian occupants to those who held the land at the time of the survey.  The compilers, "James Kirkpatrick and Allan Park Brough of the Township of West Flamborough, District of Gore Esquires" appear to have taken their job very seriously and the amount of detail in each entry is a virtual goldmine for researchers.  They even included sketches of the "improvements" made by each occupant, and interviews with Indian informants.

The ownership and transfer of land at the time of the consolidation of the Reserve lands as it relates to the Douglas Creek Estates (Kanonhstaton) which was the bone of contention that sent Caledonia into chaos in 2006, and now the newly announced McKenzie Meadows Project, can be traced via these records.  For more recent years, the deeds can be viewed in sequence in the Haldimand County Land Registry Office in Cayuga.

The bottom line - there is no evidence whatsoever that any part of Caledonia still belongs to the Six Nations.  End of story - one would think.  For those who wish to verify what I have said, the reference for said Inspection Returns is:

National Archives (Ottawa)
RG10, Vol. 729
Land Inspection Returns, Townships of Oneida and Tuscarora, 1844
Microfilm number C-13415

DeYo.