Where Do We Turn to Obtain Accurate Facts about Six Nations of the Grand River History and Culture?

I am guessing that the above question would bring forth a variety of answers - but my focus is on reliable and accurate information, data that will not be shown to be wrong based on other sources - although differences of opinion may exist.  If one takes statements at face value, then the representatives of the Haudenosaunee Confederacy Chiefs Council (HCCC) would assert that one only need enquire of ones Clan Mother and representative Chief to obtain the requisite information.  In a previous blog I showed how impossible this would be for most at Six Nations, plus the fact that even 100 years ago there were serious errors entered into the collective memory such that what one might obtain today from those who are supposed to be in the know (e.g., the Hereditary Council at Six Nations), is basically an unknown entity.  I would venture to say that there will be no one alive today who could correctly recite all of the warriors and women's names belonging to a particular Nation, Clan, and Ohwachira. 

Something as basic as the date of the founding of the Confederacy (the League of the Five Nations Iroquois) by the Huron / Wyandot Deganawida and the Mohawk Ayenwagtha, is a matter of much debate.  Depending on who one asked, at what time period the question was posed, and to what tribe the informant belonged, there are at least 10 competing versions.  The most persuasive arguments are for a date between the arrival of the Dutch in 1609 back about 150 years.  It is destined to remain an elusive "fact" that will at best be shrouded in the mists of time and remain bookended within a "reasonable" time frame.  One might decide to use the appearance of wampum as a benchmark.  The archaeological record would then delimit the earliest possible date to the 16th Century.  Fortunately, there are other aspects of Six Nations chronology which are much easier to pinpoint.

In 1885, when Seth Newhouse wrote his well - researched study of the traditions of the Six Nations, things, by his admission, had begun to fall apart and he was not entirely sure of some of what his informants gave him (it was sometimes contradicted by other informants).  It appears that what with the cataclysmic upheavals since that time, the problem has deteriorated to the point that if one seeks consistency (a hallmark of the truth), then it will be necessary to turn to those most knowledgeable, those informants deemed to be the most reliable, and whose version can be cross validated with other sources to locate facts that one can "take to the bank". 

For present purposes, I will parse the body of knowledge into two broad categories.

A)  Studies on the archaeology, socio-political history, rituals and related matter relevant to the League of the Iroquois (Five, later Six Nations):

Many historians and anthropologists had the foresight to record for all posterity the recollections of the most trusted Six Nations people.  In the political climate of today, with rampant factionalism in every nook and cranny of Six Nations society, one is not going to find consensus - except by reference to the works published by White authors based on the Six Nations informants who were universally seen as having a trustworthy memory of what the most respected elders had told them.  After the passing of Chief Elliott Moses in the 1960s, an entire era has forever gone, leaving us today without those who at one time all would have agreed, these were elders revered for their knowledge of the oral traditions and history or Six Nations people.  Alas, these days, there does not seem to be a cadre of individuals to whom one could approach for knowledge on most subjects which were well known to those residing here 100 years ago.  These days at the Longhouses "down below", one constantly hears, for example after a fruitless search for someone to recite from memory part of the Great Law, that "we are going downhill" - or words to that effect.  Reasons cited include the lack of any real commitment by the youth of today in applying themselves to learn for example the particulars of the components of the dances used at the spring Strawberry festival.

So there seems to be little choice but to refer to the written texts that for example recorded details of the calendar ceremonies at the times anthropologists visited the Reserve up to the 1960s - after which time there seems to have been little further work done by the White academics visiting Six Nations.  Most of what is available has been published, with the notable exception of the work of Goldenweiser whose cribbed and coded notes have been deposited in the Museum of Civilization at Hull Quebec.

What follows is a list of some of the key authors of published or unpublished work that can be consulted to this day, and whose efforts have born fruit which can largely be relied upon to provide information that when combined with the second source below, offers as close as one can come to a comprehensive and factually correct version of Six Nations society and history.  The focus here is on the "classic" studies to the 1960s.  They are listed in no particular order, simply as they come to mind:

1)  Seth Newhouse (Mohawk)
2)  John A. Gibson (Seneca)
3)  Elliott Moses (Delaware)
4)  John Buck (Onondaga)
5)  Edward M. Chadwick
6)  Charles M. Johnston
7)  John Norton (Cherokee, adopted Mohawk)
8)  John A. Noon
9)  Marianne Shimony
10)  Sally Weaver
11)  Elizabeth Tooker
12)  William N. Fenton
13)  Frank G. Speck
14)  A. A. Goldenweiser
15)  Horatio Hale
16)  J. N. B. Hewitt (Tuscarora)
17)  William M. Beauchamp
18)  Arthur C. Parker (Seneca)
19)  Lewis H. Morgan
20)  Lyman Draper
21)  Duncan C. Scott

If put in a forced choice situation, where I could have one and only one book or other trustworthy resource that would cover as many bases as possible, my choice would be the 924 page volume of the Smithsonian Institute which discusses in detail, the scholarly work of most of the above authors.  Specifically, William C. Sturtevant (Ed.), Handbook of North American Indians, Vol. 15, "Northeast", Washington D.C., Smithsonian, 1978.  Not only are the studies of the above authors relating to the Six Nations included, but also there are chapters on other members of the Six Nations Community, for example the Nanticoke and the Delaware.  If for example one is curious about the percentage of the Reserve Community who adhere to the Longhouse faith, this question has been explored by Shimony and Weaver.  In Weaver's 1978 article, noted elsewhere in this blog, she reported that at the time of the removal to the consolidated Reserve in 1847, the Longhouse group outnumbered all others.  However since about 1865, the number of Christian and Longhouse adherents have remained fairly stable at between about 19% to 24% over a 100 year period to 1974 (see p. 530 in the above book).

B)  Archival documentation pertaining to the Six Nations Reserve and current issues:

The second source for factual material is the original contemporary documentation (e.g., letters from Six Nations Chiefs and elders to the Deputy Superintendent of Indian Affairs), which for example include the observations and perspectives of men such as John "Smoke" Johnson, a revered Mohawk elder whose family played such a key role in Six Nations life in the 19th Century.  Another example of many would be the Reverend Abraham Nelles, the Church of England Minister at the Mohawk Chapel whose letters express the concern felt for the people at Six Nations.  He had grown up with them, and was sympathetic to the abuses which he knew from direct experience with his parishioners and others who resided along the Grand River. 

The real treasure trove for all of the available documentary material is the Archives of Ontario (now at York University, Toronto), the National Library and Archives (in Ottawa), and a few other repositories such as the Museum of Civilisation in Hull, Quebec.  In addition, there is a wealth of material (e.g., the records of Chief Elliott Moses) in the files at the library of the Woodland Cultural Centre in Brantford.

The judicious use of the above archival sources will provide the only way to address contentious topics such as the various land surrenders by the Six Nations to 1850 or so.  While some records may be missing (for reasons discussed elsewhere in this blog), answers to all of the most pressing questions can be found here - but much is unindexed and it is a long slog to find everything needed to "prove a point".  Still, this is absolutely the only way to dispense with beliefs by any party, and ferret out the facts to arrive at the truth of the matter.

Using these records is not for the faint of heart, they require months to years of study if one is to make any headway.  As a consequence, few have ventured into this realm.

If once again, required to chose only one book that would address the above subject matter best, there is no contest, it would be, Charles M. Johnston, The Valley of the Six Nations:  A Collection of Documents on the Indian Lands of the Grand River, Toronto, The Champlain Society, 1964.

With judicious use of the above materials, it will be possible to put beliefs to one side (and abandon them if necessary) to allow the facts to emerge and have any apparent inconsistencies resolved by a careful weighing of the sum total of the data.  My only complaint about Johnston's work is that he made a couple of omissions, which unfortunately, due to the contentious nature of both, may leave those who have not done their own research, with the impression that much of what one hears at Six Nations and is believed by many or most, could or must be true.  The two omissions are:

a)  The Nanfan Treaty of 1701 which is cited as proof that Six Nations (then Five Nations) have the right to hunt and fish across what is today all of Southern Ontario.  The HDI take the extreme position that any development (e.g., construction of power grids) within this vast domain can only take place after consultation with the representatives of the Hereditary Council (i.e., the HDI).  However, there is an immutable principal at work here.  One cannot assign, give away or sell that which does not legally or in any other way belong to them.  The area deeded to the Crown in 1701 in fact belonged at that time to the Mississauga by right of conquest - they having dispersed all of the 8 settlements of Six Nations north of Lake Ontario.  All of the Six Nations were driven back to what is today Upstate New York by Mississauga warriors and their allies by 1696.  So the deal was established upon a false premise.

b)  While Johnston provides excellent coverage of the various papers and records relating to land dealings within the Grand River Tract by the Six Nations Chiefs in Council, he only takes the matter to the Surrender of 1841.  In fact, the Chiefs in Council executed a number of other Surrenders and these documents, as well as the related Council Minutes, are in the National Archives, but we are left hanging 10 years too soon.  Between 1842 and 1850 the Chiefs in Council had signed Surrenders to all of the Grand River, Haldimand Tract, lands except those which today comprise the consolidated Six Nations Reserve 40; and in the related Council Minutes are recorded their discussions which led to the decision to surrender all other lands to the Crown for sale with the monies from such transactions being applied to their general annuities. 

There is still a pervasive belief at Six Nations that not only do the lands such as the Burch Tract, and the Plank Road lands (including the Douglas Creek Estates - Kanonhstaton) belong to them, but some contend that all of the Grand River Tract was not properly surrendered and is still Six Nations territory.  The facts say otherwise.  In other words the "reclamation" of DCE as Kanonhstaton was illegal, violently usurping the established Land Registry system of Ontario based on false information as to "ownership".  Taking it the next step, if justice is to be served, compensation is due from Six Nations for the many millions of dollars that these actions cost the taxpayers of Canada, and for the inexcusable suffering of those individuals whose only "crime" was to happen to live near the contentious site.

DeYo.

Enforcement of Tobacco Laws in the U.S.A.: Effect on Distributors and Retailers at Six Nations

Turtle Island News, December 3, 2013, p. 4 has an article entitled,  2009 law didn’t halt cigarette deliveries from Indian tribes, shipping records show.  If the gist of this article is correct, the “tax free” cigarette businesses throughout Indian Country are in a lot of trouble.  It seems that after all these years, various laws and fines have convinced shipping companies and wholesalers and pretty well all within the nexus of cigarette product distribution and sales, that perhaps their days are numbered.  Could it be that within a couple of years, the many cigarette shops / shacks which dot the landscape on and around local Indian Reserves will be a fixture consigned to history, and will one by one vanish due to supply side economics.  What is fueling this change is the strict and tight enforcement of the laws that could have been applied years ago – but for sundry reasons the authorities in Canada and the U.S.A. have been less than enthusiastic in going for the jugular on this illegal practise of smuggling and distribution of untaxed cigarettes which are then retailed locally, and internationally (e.g., in Europe). 

 

Many Reserve families have made a small fortune in this business over the past 15 or so years, and this is all in danger of evapourating – removing one major source of “business” revenue on Reserves.  It occurs that the practise was so blatant, and the people involved so brazen, that eventually the whole enterprise had to come collapsing down.  Some reasons include, the lost revenue to for example States such as New York; and the unabashed sale of product to minors.  Under these conditions it is surprising, at least to me, that the status quo has been maintained for so many years with little overt "tampering".

 

Today the name brand (e.g., Marlboro) distribution has dried up, and only the off brand locally made Native cigarettes have been available to the sellers on or near Reserves.  It is estimated that Native Wholesale Supply (apparently an arm of GRE) has sold 1.5 billion dollars of illegal untaxed cigarettes, and the State authorities in Idaho and Oklahoma as well as New York are going after them aggressively with law suits.  Clearly many thought that they better make hay while the sun shines or else they could lose all – which is the process which seems to be facing even a mega operation such as Grand River Enterprises (GRE).  Although there is still the question as to whether anything produced on the Reserve can be taxed, the authorities have gone after other links in the chain and for example sued one of the shippers for $81 million dollars.  So the pipelines to the primary markets (e.g., New York City which has decided to tackle the problem head on using the Courts) can be shut down.  It is unclear at this point what effect these goings on within the upper eschelons will have on the local “ma and pa” retail shops.  Local distribution at Six Nations may survive unscathed since action on this front would bring to the fore the thorny matter of taxing that which is made on the Reserve lands, and stays on Reserve lands.  Not so fortunate will be those operating online sales or “buyers clubs”, which have of late been shut down as these businesses are being revealed for what they are.  Business men involved in these dealings, from Florida to Washington D.C., to Virginia, to Montreal are being indicted and will likely do jail time.  The writing is on the wall.  The U.S. ATF (Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms) and similar agencies are finally serious about dealing with the problem of the many faceted operations selling untaxed cigarettes.  At the local level, it seems that the shops situated off the Reserve would be most vulnerable if a major crackdown was in the cards.

Cigarettes have been seen by some as a solution to the poverty which for generations has gripped so many Iroquoian Reserves / Reservations, but today circumstances are such that, no one can count on tobacco being part of the tribe’s economic solution much longer.  The article in Turtle Island News was largely focused on the activities in Seneca Country.  If my understanding of information floating about is correct, GRE has seen the future and has diversified, which might buffer it from the full impact of the loss of the cigarette manufacturing and distribution part of its operation.  None the less, this is going to be a serious blow to a once thriving local industry.

 

I often wonder if the business was kept “low key” whether we would be seeing this trend.  What typically happens is that if someone gets away with say smuggling a few cartons of untaxed cigarettes, and the authorities do nothing, a process kicks in.  Those involved become more brazen and up the ante, with the belief that they are impervious to the Federal and State / Provincial laws.  For a time the American and Canadian Governments played the role of enablers.  However, escalation brings expansion and risk taking and eventually a line is crossed and with a full dossier of facts, "the Feds" will act, and once committed, will set their sights on eliminating the problem alltogether.  So once again the facts ultimately demolish the beliefs which were all along built on a weak foundation. 

As it happens, I drive by the GRE headquarters on a frequent basis.  I look at the trappings of an apparently healthy business and wonder what is truly in store for all who are involved.  My guess is that things will begin to unfold pretty quickly at some point - change is in the wind - but it is anyone's guess as to what we will be seeing in terms of the vendors along the local roads.

 

DeYo.

 

The Guswhenta (Erie Ave.) Development Fiasco Tumbles to New Depths

As reported in Turtle Island News, December 3, 2013, p. 7, the Guswhenta fiasco continues to get more complex and more bizarre.  The layers of complexity seem to continue to grow, and still no solution in sight.  At a recent “information” meeting there was a farcical “bar scene” with a drunk heckler, also someone who instigated a brawl, and as well Chief Monture of the Men’s Fire saying that a meeting at Kanata was invalid, such community events should take place “back home down there” (Ohsweken), back in “the bush”.  And the meeting reached new heights (actually lows) with Bill Squire (of the Mohawk Workers) and Aaron Detlor (legal council for the HDI) squaring off in a juvenile name calling session, with Squire asking Detlor who his mother was, with the latter retorting that, At least  I know who my Mohawk mother was.  This confrontation seems to stem from the apparent fact that Detlor is not a Community member and few know what connection he has, if any, with Six Nations.  As if things could get any stranger, instead of providing information on Guswhenta, Squire put charts on the wall about the HDI finances, the Band Council’s McKenzie Meadows Project, and old Confederacy letters questioning the legitimacy of the Chief and Clan Mother names for the first family among the Mohawk (Turtle Clan, Dekarihogea).  It seems that Porter and his Guswhenta development group were at a loss – their main concern being that it is getting to the point where the viability of the project is going to be an issue – delays of this nature being perhaps the kiss of death for everything.  The moderate words of respected elder Jan Longboat did perhaps allow some of the participants to see the immature depths to which their behaviour had descended.

 

So the bottom line is that the Men's Fire and HDI continue to square off against the Kanata Mohawk Workers, each believing that they possess the right to "negotiate" with the developer (a conglomerate of White and Native individuals) to direct what happens in the old Eagle's Nest Tract, when in reality neither have any legal rights whatsoever.  In fact, the land was out of Six Nations hands before 1850, and to assert any rights to direct what happens in this part of Brantford does not jive with the facts.  Much ado about nothing.

 

DeYo.

The HDI: Look Who is Swirling Around the Bowl These Days

It should be apparent to those who read this blog that I am less than enamoured with the Haudenosaunee Development Institute (HDI), whose behaviour would give some the impression that they are the enforcers, the shakedown artists for the Hereditary Council - but who, in reality, march to their own drum with one object in mind - extract money from all "eligible" groups or individuals.  Some might even say that the mafia in Naples could take lessons from this group at Six Nations.  I of course will reserve judgement.

 

Frankly, when I see the HDI floundering, it does indeed warm my heart.  If their illegal and amoral activities get them into difficulty, well perhaps that would be true justice.  In Turtle Island News, December 3, 2013 p. 7 we find an update thanks to the excellent unbiased reporting in this source.  Here we find that the HDI is being bypassed more and more these days, almost as if it is becoming irrelevant.  In the boundary adjustment matter involving the City of Brantford and Brant County, the HDI were not consulted, and the various Government agencies such as Aboriginal Affairs and Infrastructure Ontario have refused to return calls from the HDI.  The power that they wielded but a short time ago appears to be something consigned to history.  None the less, Hazel Hill, HDI Director, continues to maintain that any development within the Haldimand Tract requires consultation of the Hereditary Chiefs.  The HDI maintains that it is not the Elected Council who have legitimate authority to deal with the Crown (despite their mandate via the Federal Government of Canada), but the Hereditary Council, whose interests and views are represented via the agency of the HDI.  Lately the latter find that calls are going unreturned, and no one is listening, so of course out come the threats, about “incidents”, “more reclamations”, protests – I don’t know how our people will respond to (this), says Hill with what some might interpret as a veiled threat.  What is different now, however, is that these threats do not seem to unduly disturb anyone.  Perhaps it is because most are now aware that if the HDI or others attempt to stop development, then a developer only has to seek a Court injunction which, of late, will be applied.  If the protesters refuse to comply and the developer loses money, the protesters will be named in a legal action and will expect to pay very stiff fines.  It does not seem to be as easy these days to get a developer to fork out 7 to 8,000 dollars to go through “proper channels” (the HDI) and ensure that protests will directed elsewhere.

Could we be seeing "desperation" in the following episode?  Another article in Turtle Island News pertains to the subject matter here.  On the same page as above we find, Hydro One hitting community with massive hydro bills.  As part of the ongoing “battle” with Hydro One, Aaron Detlor, in his role as a director of HDI, stopped crews from trimming the trees along 6^th Line which were interfering with the transmission lines.  This prompted former Councillor Ross Johnson to call Detlor a “jerk” and former Chief Montour to add, a “jerk”, who does not even live in the community.  Apparently Detlor and the HDI were upset that Hydro One has not been "cooperative" in discussing Hydro One's work in lands that the HDI have decided are Haudenosaunee Territory.  Incredibly, this land is in the Bruce Peninsula, and includes the Bruce to Milton line.  This claim can only be described as a monumental stretch of what is believed to be under the purview of Six Nations (likely via an erroneous interpretation of the Nanfan Treaty) but is not supported by the facts; and the apparent petulance of the HDI representative speaks volumes.
 

On the same page of the same source is an article entitled, Community money may have to pay protesters legal bills.  It appears that the HDI (or its officers) currently owes the City of Brantford $375,000.  Actually there are a number of protesters involved here, but most are elderly, and based on what is reported in Turtle Island News, only the executive of the HDI, Hazel Hill and lawyer Aaron Detlor, are apparently in any position to make good on the payment of the fine.  The City of Brantford lawyer was quite blunt in saying that they are likely to be going after the “deepest pockets” to recover the fines.  In Detlor’s expressed view the City may be coming after the Communities money, so the community has to decide what to do.  Considering he is the one with the “deepest pockets”, the City may come after him directly, and it appears that he would like to see this as a Community matter and deflect any personal responsibility away and toward the collective body of the Six Nations.  There are monies from the various wind farm deals that could be tapped into to pay these costs, but Detlor knows that the only way this will work is if  “the community” recommends bailing out the HDI and its executive here.  Hey, good luck with that. 

Update:  The problem is compounded by the fact that Detlor, as legal advisor to both the HCCC and the HDI has recently been criticised by his employers, the HCCC, in releasing a letter as to the Chief's position on the removal of the Brant Children's Aid Society, without having obtained their full approval of this action.  See Turtle Island News, December 11, 2013, p. 7, Confederacy supports CAS removal, but transition plans unclear.  So it may be that the HDI is overstepping its mandate, or perhaps it is just one individual wearing two hats who assumes that they can speak for the collective body.

 

DeYo.

First Nations Education Act: What Exactly Does Six Nations Want?

In an article entitled, Chief-elect setting up Education Action plan to fight Federal bill (Turtle Island News, November 27, 2013, p.5), it is asserted that a major problem with all the fuss about the pending implementation of the First Nations Education Act is that Six Nations has not come up with an action plan.  The only thing that is agreed upon is that the Federal legislation is rejected.  But as Councillor Miller has astutely said, this is not enough, you can’t just say you disagree with something then not come up with a viable plan – things don’t work that way.  There appears to be no agreement as to whether a joint plan with the Assembly of First Nations would be the best way to proceed – some disagree, some agree.  Chief-Elect Hill has proposed a media campaign to let people know that they are opposed to the First Nations Education Act (due to be implemented in January 2014) – but one might again ask the question – then what is the proposal – what is the solution?  The focus seems to be once again on the past.  The school supplies for 2013 were late in arriving - for reasons that to this author are unclear.

 

An old adage applies here, “don’t bring me problems, bring me solutions”.  If Six Nations does not like what the Federal Government are proposing, they will need to have a specific plan in place and apparently there is nothing remotely of this nature anywhere in the works.  Councillor Miller stated that neither the Chiefs of Ontario (COO) or the Assembly of First Nations (AFN) have an action plan.  Time is running out.  The fall back plan will have to be acceptance of the Federal plan unless the Chiefs get their act in gear.  This does not seem likely.  What does seem likely is that once the Federal Government enacts its legislation, it will be roundly criticised, but is there a single party out there with a viable plan (other than pouring more money into the system) which will address the wishes of the Six Nations (and other FN) Community?  Since there is absolutely nothing on the horizon, just complaints, then we may as well just prepare for lots of belly aching from those who did not have any fresh ideas to offer the Federal Government – who is somehow supposed to work miracles and please 600 plus First Nations communities.  That is completely unrealistic.

This is highlighted by the further article in the same source as above (p. 5), First Nations oppose “unacceptable” federal education reform plan.  The Assembly of First Nations Chief, Shawn Atleo, complains, almost to the point of obsession, about the old residential school system (not wanting to go back to those days), and that there was a lack of consultation, and little recognition of the importance of language and culture.  On and on with what he believes are problems, so the griping is unremitting, but never specific solutions.  There is a crying need to lay all the facts out on the table, and assess the merits or downside of each.  Trying to see both sides, if I were a Federal official, it would seem to be the prudent thing to simply stick with the status quo until such time as the various First Nations representatives can come up with some explicit details as to what needs to be done – not just blanket statements about past wrongs etc. etc.  The plan is “unacceptable” – is that the best you’ve got?  No wonder so many people are frustrated.

 

DeYo.

Bilingual Education at Six Nations

If someone in say Rexdale Ontario was to hear the words, "bilingual education", the meaning here would be English - French.  French immersion would be a school where English speaking children would be "immersed" and taught in the "other language" for much of the curriculum.  This option seems attractive to many Middle Class parents, who believe that bilingual education is superior, although the present author is not familiar with any scientific studies (facts) comparing outcome for students enrolled in these schools versus the more tradition kind where French is introduced as a second language either in Grade 3 or 7 (for example).  In Santa Ana California, the meaning would be English - Spanish.  At Six Nations, generally the term would refer to English plus one of the Six Nations languages which would be taught as a second language (for those who were not exposed to say Seneca extensively in the home), or there would be an immersion, whereby English would take a back seat while the children were taught in one of the two most "healthy" languages (e.g., in terms of numbers of competent native speakers) on the Reserve - Mohawk or Cayuga.

If the Six Nations can agree to accept the offer of the McKenzie Meadows Development corporation, then they would have the opportunity to establish another of the Kawenni : io, K to 12 private schools, as seen in the link here.

 

The school offers private Cayuga and Mohawk immersion programmes.  So in 2013, with a curriculum in Ontario that is already being gutted of art and music and everything pared to the bone – how could a school such as this produce an individual who is prepared to compete in the world of 2013 and beyond?  I would like to see some hard evidence as to the efficacy of the French immersion programmes that are popular in the Greater Toronto area.  Perhaps they produce children much better prepared to shoulder roles in the broader Canadian world (e.g., armed forces, civil service) – at the moment if someone was to ask my opinion, it would be to ensure that a child is given the chance to learn Mandarin or Arabic.  However, it is fluency in the English language that is the key which will open the most doors across the world – like it or not, that is the reality which will not change in the foreseeable future.  Travel to Italy and see how many people you can find there to speak in English or French (very very few who are fluent).  However travel north a few miles into Switzerland, Germany, Holland, and especially the Scandinavian countries, one finds that often everyone speaks some English, and many speak it fluently.  The Scandinavians know that the English language is the lingua franca of the world business community and the facility of the average person in English is amazing.

I don’t know the answer to the following questions, but do know that they are critically important.  How many fluent speakers of Cayuga and Mohawk are there who are also certified as teachers in subjects such as maths and sciences?  Can these subjects be taught in Cayuga and Mohawk?  I know a number of excellent speakers of Mohawk and Cayuga who do not reside on the Reserve at present (some reside in the U.S.A.), and are employed in other occupations.  I am not sure how realistic it would be to offer these individuals incentives to obtain their teaching credentials and take the chance on a new avocation when perhaps they are quite content doing what it is they are doing.  Also, there are significant differences between the Mohawk spoken at Six Nations and Tyendinaga, and the dialect used at Akwesasne and Kanawaki.  This could be a problem in recruiting suitable applicants.  Cayuga is more problematic in that the largest number of Cayuga came up to Six Nations with a lesser number scattered about Reservations in New York State.  Hence recruitment would generally tap into only those who are connected with Six Nations - thereby restricting the eligible pool of candidates.

 

The answers to these questions must be addressed before any attempt to supplant the Ontario curriculum with “alternate” educational strategies.  People can speak Cayuga or Mohawk in the home, and there can be weekend classes – but Six Nations people must ask, will their children thrive under such a programme?  How much support is there out there for an unproven school curriculum which could torpedo a child’s chances at success in for example getting into McMaster University Medical School?  Is there not an urgent need for medical personnel with ties to the Community?  This brings up the conflict over the First Nations Educational Act that the Federal Government wants to put in place.  In an editorial (TIN, 27 November, 2013, p. 4), Lynda Powless calls for more local input, and greater cultural and language recognition (to help erase the “stain” of the Residential School system), and for the Federal Government to address the perceived chronic underfunding of the system.  I am not at all versed sufficiently, so will only offer up the obvious – one cannot have everything.  By sticking to a curriculum that is offered to all Canadians, it means that someone from Six Nations should have the skills to compete for jobs and positions in post – secondary education where professional training will yield better jobs and a better standard of living.  I am not at all convinced that immersing children in the full cultural – linguistic environment envisioned by those who want to rid the educational system on the Reserves of conformity is doing justice to those who will be most directly impacted.  Be very very careful in what you ask for – you may one day have occasion to regret “demanding” something that is counter productive to producing future community leaders who can walk comfortably in two worlds – something that to me is a laudable goal.  The same demands were made in some American schools for a more “Black centred” educational system.  Alas, I have not seen any examples where the implementation of this sort of amendment to what other students will be exposed to will in any way shape or form allow African – American students to acquire the skills needed to enter the work force with the necessary tools to allow them to become stock brokers, or CEOs or CFOs or really to be in a position to obtain any high profile high powered job in Government or industry where they are on a level playing field with other competitors (e.g., Hispanic).  In many cases this will simply be a formula for failure that could be foreseen long in advance, but because it was not politically expedient no one stopped the freight train and as a consequence, Black kids fall further behind and disillusionment is even more pervasive. 

Perhaps there is something to be learned by studying the experience of in the Celtic fringe of the British Isles.  Although the apparent last Cornish speaker, John Davey died in 1891, see here, the culture has never been so vibrant - see here.  While there are attempts to try to revive the language, it is not essential to the feeling of being Cornish, which is more about knowing that one’s roots lie not in the Anglo-Saxon invaders, but in the native Celtic – speaking Britons who were pushed to the far west margins of the country.  I wonder sometimes if there is something to be learned in finding out exactly how the attempts to weave language and culture into the curriculum in schools in Wales, Ireland and Scotland (as well as Cornwall England) has impacted the children’s ability to compete.  My sense is that they have found a formula which works for them.  I am not saying that by applying this approach directly here, we would see the same success, but it would be worth investigating before committing to something that may simply drag Six Nations students further toward to poverty line and send the message that they can only “make it” locally.  Should we not be sending the message that you can be whatever you want to be with the proper background, parental encouragement, community involvement, and a knowledge of the standard curriculum expected of all Canadian students?  A diploma from a respected school at Six Nations and a High School leaving certificate from say Caledonia or Hagersville High Schools should open the doors to higher education or business success.  Anything which impedes this progress will inevitably slow the progress of Six Nations children in transitioning to take advantage of the many opportunities “out there”.

In a speech to the Canadian Club of Toronto at the end of November, Manley said it raised serious questions about Canada’s preparedness for an increasingly knowledge-based economy.
“[A]s a Canadian, what really troubles me is the growing body of evidence that shows Canada is falling behind when it comes to equipping its citizens with the broad knowledge and cross-cutting skills that are required to succeed in life, and in an increasingly competitive global economy,” Manley said, according to a copy of his speech, see here. 

So if Canada is falliing behind, we must be very aware of making changes that will negatively affect the children of Six Nations - ensuring that they are not being set up for falling behind students in schools across Canada.  It is all very tricky, but it is necessary to be very honest about what various choices will likely mean to the students of Six Nations.  Clearly, intuitive opinions are not what is needed.  It would be terribly unfair to the youth of Six Nations not to "do right" by them and ensure that they will be put on a footing which will prepare them for the world at large.  Perhaps the Kawenni : io Schools are clearing the best path for Six Nations students, but that is far from evident at this point in time.

DeYo.

Why Another "Caledonia 2006" is Unlikely: An Update on the McKenzie Meadows Development

The most recent update as to what is happening re the "controversy" over the McKenzie Meadows Development is found in an article in Turtle Island News, November 27, 2013, p. 3, entitled,  Community voiceless in McKenzie Meadows across from former DCE. 

 

As noted in an earlier blog posting, there were to be three "community" sessions to discuss the proposed plan negotiated between the representatives of the Elected Band Council, and a developer whose company plans to create a residential development that would begin at McKenzie Road, and the extreme southern part of Caledonia, and over time would reach the part of the land directly opposite the infamous Douglas Creek Estates (Kanonhstaton) site on Argyll Street South.  At the third of three information sessions, according to the above article, Six Nations community members voiced loud opposition to the elected council’s involvement in a new development deal across the street from the former Douglas Creek Estate lands.  But those voices might not matter.

Lonny Bomberry, council’s land and development resources co-ordinator, admitted to the nearly 50 people gathered at the community hall last Thursday night that developers can use the Canadian courts to get an injunction on Six Nations protestors and proceed with their housing subdivision - with or without Six Nations’ approval.

 

The article continues, with Aaron Detlor, lawyer for the HDI wing of the Hereditary Council, saying that, The band council is always setting themselves up for failure. However the band council did attempt to consult with the hereditary council, but that fell off the rails – because of three deaths that left the confederacy council without meetings for three months.   In the modern world this simply won’t work – if decisions have to be made they need to happen “on schedule”, or some sort of substitute process be put in place. The hereditary council will never change, that is in a sense part of their role, but with the interface against the rest of the world it can create a great deal of frustration in a situation where delays for other reasons have been legion.  It is 2013 not 1813. Silence [from the community] cannot be taken as a yes according to the traditionalists. Well, if people don’t speak up until the last minute what do they expect?  Furthermore, Bomberry insisted that what the community decides is what will happen. He said that the Six Nations ‘holds a hammer” over the development. That may have been true in 2006, but 7 years later, much has changed such that when push comes to shove, we will see how much of a “hammer” Six Nations wields. 

Reading between the lines, it appears that Bomberry may be aware of the “Holmes Report” and of course is cognizant of the Court injunctions in Brantford that have resulted in fines levied against protestors including the HDI in the amount of $325,000 – with the likelihood that the HDI, and / or, its leaders Hazel Hill and Aaron Detlor, will be on the hook for the entire amount (it was elsewhere noted that the others named in the Court action likely do not have to funds to pay their share of the fine).  In addition, the Ontario Superior Court has recently been willing to "show its teeth", and drop the hammer on those who would disrupt legal development.  Perhaps Bomberry is somewhat in denial, or felt compelled to "play to the audience".

 

Judging by the response of some in the audience, many to most at Six Nations have not grasped the “new reality” as clearly attested to in the "Holmes Report".  The land is not theirs, it was surrendered before 1850, and the new circumstances were accepted by all parties, the land put on title in the Ontario Land Registry system, and it is only recently (long after the Statute of Limitations has expired) that some decided to assert that the documents are wrong, that their ancestors did not really intend to sell the land, and so on – absolutely nothing which could ever be proved in a Court of law or in even any forum which looks at the history versus these new entrenched but erroneous beliefs that much of the Haldimand Tract still comes under Six Nations authority.  As has been noted elsewhere in this blog, on many occasions, this belief cannot be sustained when coming up against the facts of the matter.  In 2006, this perspective of land ownership had not been addressed to the point where the Canadian Government, the Ontario Government, and the Ontario Provincial Police could coordinate their response to the illegal and criminal acts being perpetrated brazenly at DCE.  The OPP was still stinging from the effects of the Ipperwash investigation and their new role as "peacekeepers".  Since that time the OPP has been the butt of anger and frustration and accusations of double standards in policing (racial profiling).  Clearly, with the efforts of Gary McHale (e.g., his 2013 book on the OPP failures), and many others, the OPP will eventually be prodded to "serve and protect" and to blazes with the "peacekeeper" nonsense.  One law for all, no exceptions, this is the only approach that will work.  It may take a different Party in Toronto (it was the Liberals and McGinty who have to bear the burden of responsibility of failing the citizens of Caledonia and surrounds).

I maintain that any attempt by Six Nations to use any “strong arm” tactics as occurred in 2006 will be doomed to failure and will see a totally different response from all parties.  Not only has the Ontario Government validated its Land Registry system, and will stand by it, but any mass movement of people from the Rez will be nipped in the bud at varying locations since the development is “off the beaten path”.  No Highway 6 here, no Argyll Street.  The McKenzie Meadows property does not lend itself to the same terror tactics that were used at the DCE in 2006 where there was an “open door” to the Reserve via 5^th and 6^th Lines (and Stirling Street before the bridge was torched).

So if the present author is saying that Caledonia 2006 is not going to happen again (or is much less likely anyway), then what is it that is different "this time"? For one thing, the speeding ATVs and other “methods” used to intimidate and terrorize the local people simply would not work in this new setting – and of course Caledonia is fed up with the whole business and it can be virtually guaranteed that any attempt to create another 2006 in that location would result in a much more structured resistance on the part of locals, and with the Canadian Courts willing to step in and order compliance, and levy enforceable fines against the leaders of any insurrection. The times, they have changed.  Any attempt to re-create 2006 will see angry local residents, no longer cowed by labels of racism, and wise to the tactics of the anarchist – Marxist supporters, sure to ensure that only a comedy will play out this time and Six Nations will have egg all over their face.  No back up this time.  If a group of Six Nations agitators is on McKenzie Street they may find an angry Haldimand community hell bent for revenge to contend with.  What if this time the passports issued will not be for Haldimand residents to return to their home, but for the Six Nations members to be permitted to return home via public roads.  Although not possessing a crystal ball, I can see a complete role reversal this time around and could it be possible that the OPP will no longer wish to allow itself to be a door mat for Six Nations agitators, and instead institute an immediate arrest for any offence and to blazes with the Ipperwash Report which only ended up embarrassing the officers who signed an oath to serve and protect – no more being "peacemakers" catering to the whims of the vocal and violent element at Six Nations that seemed to rule the roost last go around.  In taking the pulse of many of the locals, they are itching for an opportunity to ensure that the shoe is on the other foot this time around.  Mark my words, the next time, if there is a next time, we will see a sea of Canadian flags swamping the Mohawk Warrior and supporter (e.g., CAW, CUPE) flags.

DeYo.